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| Posted: Kevin Williams (porn star)Kevin Williams (born Rise to fame Williams quickly became a gay porn star because of his electric performances. He took on some of the most well-endowed men of the era, including Look-a-likes Williams became the quintessential blond twink in gay pornography in the 1980s, and many studios rushed to get their own look-a-like. Disappearance and comeback Toward the end of the 1980s, Williams disappeared from the gay porn scene. Many speculated he had suffered the same fate of many gay porn actors of his time by succumbing to In 1998, Williams made a surprising return to pornographic entertainment. His comeback was said to be sparked by director In these later three films, Williams is no longer a boyish twink but a grown man who had become considerably more muscular and acquired a mature, handsome look. Many reviews for his comeback films claimed that he looked better than ever. Williams was romantically linked to Falcon Studios co-star Williams worked briefly as a real estate agent in San Diego and turned to escorting for a time. elected videography *"Hot Rods: The Young & The Hung 2" "Betrayed" with Thom Barron, Sebastian Gronoff, Carlos Morales and Kevin Miles ee also * Wikimedia Foundation. 2010. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Traditionally, areas of tropical cyclone formation are divided into seven basins. These include the north Atlantic Ocean, the eastern and western parts of the northern Pacific Ocean, the southwestern Pacific, the southwestern and southeastern Indian Oceans, and the northern Indian Ocean. The western Pacific is the most active and the north Indian the least active. An average of 86 tropical cyclones of tropical storm intensity form annually worldwide, with 47 reaching hurricane/typhoon strength, and 20 becoming intense tropical cyclones (at least of Category 3 intensity).[2]
Northern Atlantic Ocean Main article: Atlantic hurricane This region includes the North Atlantic Ocean, the Caribbean Sea, and the Gulf of Mexico. Tropical cyclone formation here varies widely from year to year, ranging from one to over twenty-five per year.[3] Most Atlantic tropical storms and hurricanes form between June 1 and November 30. The United States National Hurricane Center monitors the basin and issues reports, watches and warnings about tropical weather systems for the Atlantic Basin as one of the Regional Specialized Meteorological Centres for tropical cyclones as defined by the World Meteorological Organization.[4] On average, 11 named storms (of tropical storm or higher strength) occur each season, with an average of 6 becoming hurricanes and 2 becoming major hurricanes. The climatological peak of activity is around September 10 each season.[5] The United States Atlantic coast, Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean Islands, and Bermuda are frequently affected by storms in this basin. Venezuela, the south-east of Canada and Atlantic Macaronesian islands also are occasionally affected. Many of the more intense Atlantic storms are Cape Verde-type hurricanes, which form off the west coast of Africa near the Cape Verde islands. Occasionally, a hurricane that evolves into an extratropical cyclone can reach western Europe, including Hurricane Gordon, which spread high winds across Spain and the British Isles in September 2006.[6] Hurricane Vince, which made landfall on the southwestern coast of Spain as a tropical depression in October 2005, is the only known system to impact mainland Europe as a tropical cyclone.[7] Northeast Pacific Ocean Main article: Pacific hurricane The Northeastern Pacific is the second most active basin and has the highest number of storms per unit area. The hurricane season runs between May 15 and November 30 each year, and encompasses the vast majority of tropical cyclone activity in the region.[8] In the 1971–2005 period, there were an average of 15–16 tropical storms, 9 hurricanes, and 4–5 major hurricanes (storms of Category 3 intensity or greater) annually in the basin.[8] Storms that form here often affect western Mexico, and less commonly the Continental United States (in particular California), or northern Central America. No hurricane included in the modern database has made landfall in California; however, historical records from 1858 speak of a storm that brought San Diego winds over 75 mph/65 kts (marginal hurricane force), though it is not known if the storm actually made landfall.[9] Tropical storms in 1939, 1976 and 1997 brought gale-force winds to California.[9] The Central Pacific Hurricane Center's area of responsibility (AOR) begins at the boundary with the National Hurricane Center' AOR (at 140 °W), and ends at the International Date Line, where the Northwestern Pacific begins.[1] The hurricane season in the North Central Pacific runs annually from June 1 to November 30;[10] The Central Pacific Hurricane Center monitors the storms that develop or move into the defined area of responsibility.[1] The CPHC previously tasked with monitoring tropical activity in the basin was originally known as the Joint Hurricane Warning Center; today it is called the Joint Typhoon Warning Center. Central Pacific hurricanes are rare and on average 4 to 5 storms form or move in this area annually.[10] As there are no large contiguous landmasses in the basin, direct hits and landfalls are rare; however, they occur occasionally, as with Hurricane Iniki in 1992, which made landfall on Hawaii,[11] and Hurricane Ioke in 2006, which made a direct hit on Johnston Atoll.[12] Northwestern Pacific Ocean Main article: Pacific typhoon The Northwest Pacific Ocean is the most active basin on the planet. Annually, an average of 25.7 tropical cyclones in the basin acquire tropical storm strength or greater; also, an average of 16 typhoons occurred each year during the 1968–1989 period.[3] The basin occupies all the territory north of the equator and west of the International Date Line, including the South China Sea.[1] The basin sees activity year-round; however, tropical activity is at its minimum in February and March.[13] Tropical storms in this region often affect China, Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, the Philippines, and Taiwan, as well as countries in Southeast Asia such as Vietnam and parts of Indonesia, plus numerous Oceanian islands. This is by far the most active basin, accounting for one-third of all tropical cyclone activity. The coast of China sees the most landfalling tropical cyclones worldwide.[14] The Philippines archipelago receives an average of 6-7 tropical cyclone landfalls per year.[15] North Indian Ocean This basin is divided into two areas by India: the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea, with the Bay of Bengal dominating (5 to 6 times more activity). Still, this basin is the most inactive worldwide, with only 4 to 6 storms per year. This basin's season has a double peak: one in April and May, before the onset of the monsoon, and another in October and November, just after.[16] Although it is an inactive basin, the deadliest tropical cyclones in the world have formed here, including the 1970 Bhola cyclone, which killed 500,000 people. Nations affected include India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Myanmar, and Pakistan. Rarely do tropical cyclones that form in this basin affect the Arabian Peninsula or Somalia; however, Cyclone Gonu caused heavy damage in Oman on the peninsula in 2007. South-West Indian Ocean Despite nearly a half century of historical data, research at Reunion Island into tropical cyclones has been a priority only since 1999, when Météo-France began assigning additional personnel for research purposes.[17] Cyclones forming in this area can affect Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Réunion, Comoros, Tanzania, and Kenya.[17] An average of about ten tropical cyclones form in this basin per year, and this basin, annually, is the deadliest worldwide, with up to 80 deaths in every season.[3] Australian region Tropical activity in this region affects Australia and Indonesia. According to the Australian Bureau of Meteorology, the most frequently hit portion of Australia is between Exmouth and Broome in Western Australia.[18] The basin sees an average of about seven cyclones each year, although more can form or come in from other basins, like the South Pacific.[3] Only about five cyclones reach Category 5 each year.[19][20] The tropical cyclone Cyclone Vance in 1999 produced the highest recorded speed winds in an Australian town or city at around 267 km/h.[21] South Pacific OceanSee also: List of South Pacific cyclone seasons  The South Pacific Ocean basin starts at 160°E and extends to 120°W with cyclones developing in it officially monitored by Fiji and New Zealand's Meteorological Services. Tropical Cyclones that develop within this basin generally affect countries to the west of the dateline, though during El Nino's cyclones have been known to develop to the east of the dateline near French Polynesia. On average the basin sees nine tropical cyclones annually with about 1/2 of them becoming severe tropical cyclones. Other areasSouth Atlantic OceanSee also: South Atlantic tropical cyclone and Cyclone Catarina Cyclones form rarely or never in other tropical ocean areas, which are not formally considered tropical cyclone basins. Tropical depressions and tropical storms occur occasionally in the South Atlantic, and the only full-blown tropical cyclones on record were 2004's Cyclone Catarina, which made landfall in Brazil, 2010's Tropical Storm Anita, which formed off the coast of Rio Grande do Sul, and 2011's Subtropical Storm Arani, which formed off Brazil. Mediterranean Sea On rare occasions, tropical-like systems occur over the Mediterranean Sea. These systems are a subject of some debate within meteorological circles whether they closely fit the definition of tropical cyclones, subtropical cyclones, or polar lows. Their origins are typically non-tropical, and develop over open waters under strong, initially cold-core cyclones, similar to subtropical cyclones in the Atlantic Basin.[22] Sea surface temperatures in late-August and early-September are quite high over the basin (+24/+28°C), though research indicates water temperatures of 20 °C/68 °F are normally required for development.[23] Meteorological literature documents that such systems occurred in September 1947, September 1969, January 1982, September 1983, January 1995 and November 2011 (the latter officially classified as Tropical Storm 01M).[24][25] The 1995 system developed a well-defined eye, and a ship recorded 85 mph (140 km/h) winds, along with an atmospheric pressure of 975 mbar. Although it had the structure of a tropical cyclone, it occurred over 61 °F (16 °C) water temperatures, suggesting it could have been a polar low.[26] See alsoReferences
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| World Englishes - Academic Dictionaries and … Posted: This article is about the classification of Englishes around the world. For Global English or World English, see International English.  World Englishes refers to the emergence of localised or indigenised varieties of English, especially varieties that have developed in nations colonised by Great Britain or influenced by the United States. World Englishes consist of varieties of English used in diverse sociolinguistic contexts globally, and how sociolinguistic histories, multicultural backgrounds and contexts of function influence the use of colonial English in different regions of the world. The issue of World Englishes was first raised in 1978 to examine concepts of regional Englishes globally. Pragmatic factors such as appropriateness, comprehensibility and interpretability justified the use of English as an international and intra-national language. In 1988, at a Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) conference in Honolulu, Hawaii, the International Committee of the Study of World Englishes (ICWE) was formed.[In 1992, the ICWE formally launched the International Association for World Englishes (IAWE) at a conference of "World Englishes Today", at the University of Illinois, USA.[1] Currently, there are approximately 75 territories where English is spoken either as a first language (L1) or as an unofficial or institutionalised second language (L2) in fields such as government, law and education. It is difficult to establish the total number of Englishes in the world, as new varieties of English are constantly being developed and discovered.[2]
World English versus World EnglishesThe notions of World English and World Englishes are far from similar, although the terms are often mistakenly used interchangeably. World English refers to the English language as a lingua franca used in business, trade, diplomacy and other spheres of global activity, while World Englishes refers to the different varieties of English and English-based creoles developed in different regions of the world. Historical contextHistory of EnglishMain article: History of the English language English is a West Germanic language that originated from the Anglo-Frisian dialects brought by Germanic invaders into Britain. Initially, Old English was a diverse group of dialects, reflecting the varied origins of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of England. Eventually, one of these dialects, Late West Saxon, came to dominate.[3] The original Old English language was then influenced by two further waves of invasion: the first by speakers of the Scandinavian branch of the Germanic language family, who conquered and colonized parts of Britain in the 8th and 9th centuries; the second by the Normans in the 11th century, who spoke Old Norman and ultimately developed an English variety called Anglo-Norman. For two centuries after the Norman Conquest, French became the language of everyday life among the upper classes in England. Although the language of the masses remained English, the bilingual character of England in this period was thus formed.[3] During the Middle English period, France and England experienced a process of separation. This period of conflicting interests and feelings of resentment was later termed the Hundred Years' War. At the beginning of the 14th century, English regained universal use and was the principal tongue of all England.[3] During the Renaissance, patriotic feelings were felt towards English, recognizing it as the national language. Also, the language was advocated for its suitability for learned and literary use. With the Great Vowel Shift, the language in this period matured to a standard and differed significantly from the Middle English period, becoming recognizably "modern".[4] By the 18th century, three main forces were driving the direction of the English language: (1) to reduce the language to rule and effect a standard of correct usage; (2) to refine by removing supposed defects and introducing certain improvements; and (3) to fix it permanently in the desired form. Hence, it was evident that there was a desire for system and regularity, which contrasted with the individualism and spirit of independence characterized by the previous age.[3] By the 19th century, the expansion of the British Empire led to the spread of English in the world. Concurrently, the rising importance of some of England's larger colonies and their eventual independence, along with the rapid development of the United States amplified the value of the English varieties spoken in these regions. Consequently, their populations developed the belief that their distinct variety of language should be granted equal standing with the standard of Great Britain.[3] Global spread of EnglishThe First dispersal: English is transported to the 'new world' The first diaspora involved relatively large-scale migrations of around 25,000 mother-tongue English speakers from England, Scotland and Ireland predominantly to North America, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. Over time, their own English dialects developed into modern American, South African and Australasia Englishes. In contrast to the English of Great Britain, the varieties spoken in modern North America, South Africa and Australasia have been modified in response to the changed and changing sociolinguistic contexts of the migrants, for example being in contact with indigenous Indian, Khoisan, Aboriginal or Maori populations in the colonies.[5] The Second dispersal: English is transported to Asia and Africa The second diaspora was the result of the colonisation of Asia and Africa, which led to the development of 'New Englishes', the second-language varieties of English. In colonial Africa, the history of English is distinct between West and East Africa. English in West Africa began due to the slave trade. English soon gained official status in Gambia, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria and Cameroon, and some of the pidgin and creoles which developed from English contact, including Krio (Sierra Leone) and Cameroon Pidgin, have large numbers of speakers now. As for East Africa, extensive British settlements were established in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe, where English became a crucial language of the government, education and the law. From the early 1960s, the six countries achieved independence in succession; but English remained the official language and had large numbers of second language speakers in Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Malawi (along with Chewa). English was formally introduced to the sub-continent of South Asia (India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan) during the second half of the eighteenth century. In India, English was given status through the implementation of Macaulay 'Minute' of 1835, which proposed the introduction of an English educational system in India.[6] Over time, the process of 'Indianisation' led to the development of a distinctive national character of English in India. British influence in South-East Asia and the South Pacific began in the late eighteenth century, involving primarily the territories of Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong. Papua New Guinea, also a British protectorate, exemplified the English-based pidgin - Tok Pisin. Nowadays, English is also learnt in other countries in neighbouring areas, most notably in Taiwan, Japan and Korea, with the latter two having begun to consider the possibility of making English their official second language.[5] Classification of EnglishesThe spread of English around the world is often discussed in terms of three distinct groups of users, where English is used respectively as:
Most of these Englishes developed as a result of colonial imposition of the language in various parts of the world. Kachru's Three Circles of English The most influential model of the spread of English is Braj Kachru's model of World Englishes. In this model the diffusion of English is captured in terms of three Concentric Circles of the language: The Inner Circle, the Outer Circle, and the Expanding Circle.[7] The Inner Circle refers to English as it originally took shape and was spread across the world in the first diaspora. In this transplantation of English, speakers from England carried the language to Australia, New Zealand and North America. The Inner Circle thus represents the traditional historical and sociolinguistic bases of English in regions where it is now used as a primary language: the United Kingdom, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Malta, anglophone Canada and South Africa, and some of Caribbean territories. English is the native language or mother tongue of most people in these countries. The total number of English speakers in the inner circle is as high as 380 million, of whom some 120 million are outside the United States. The Outer Circle of English was produced by the second diaspora of English, which spread the language through the colonization by Great Britain and the US in Asia and Africa. In these regions, English is not the native tongue, but serves as a useful lingua franca between ethnic and language groups. Higher education, the legislature and judiciary, national commerce and so on may all be carried out predominantly in English. This circle includes India, Nigeria, the Philippines, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Malaysia, Tanzania, Kenya, non-Anglophone South Africa and others. The total number of English speakers in the outer circle is estimated to range from 150 million to 300 million.[8] Finally, the Expanding Circle encompasses countries where English plays no historical or governmental role, but where it is nevertheless widely used as a medium of international communication. This includes much of the rest of the world's population not categorised above: China, Russia, Japan, most of Europe, Korea, Egypt, Indonesia, etc. The total in this expanding circle is the most difficult to estimate, especially because English may be employed for specific, limited purposes, usually business English. The estimates of these users range from 100 million to one billion. The inner circle (UK, US etc.) is 'norm-providing'; that means that English language norms is developed in these countries. The outer circle (mainly New Commonwealth countries) is 'norm-developing'. The expanding circle (which includes much of the rest of the world) is 'norm-dependent', because it relies on the standards set by native speakers in the inner circle.[9] Schneider's Dynamic Model of Postcolonial EnglishesMain article: Schneider's Dynamic Model Schneider tries to avoid a purely geographical and historical approach evident in the 'circles' models and incorporates sociolinguistic concepts pertaining to acts of identity.[10] He outlines five characteristic stages in the spread of English: Phase 1 - Foundation: This is the initial stage of the introduction of English to a new territory over an extended period of time. Two linguistic processes are operative at this stage: (a) language contact between English and indigenous languages; (b) contact between different dialects of English of the settlers which eventually results in a new stable dialect (see koiné). At this stage, bilingualism is marginal. A few members of the local populace may play an important role as interpreters, translators and guides. Borrowings are limited to lexical items; with local place names and terms for local fauna and flora being adopted by the English.[11] Phase 2 - Exonormative stabilization: At this stage, the settler communities tend to stabilize politically under British rule. English increases in prominence and though the colloquial English is a colonial koiné, the speakers look to England for their formal norms. Local vocabulary continues to be adopted. Bilingualism increases amongst the indigenous population through education and increased contacts with English settlers. Knowledge of English becomes an asset, and a new indigenous elite develops.[11] Phase 3 - Nativisation: According to Schneider, this is the stage at which a transition occurs as the English settler population starts to accept a new identity based on present and local realities, rather than sole allegiance to their 'mother country'. By this time, the indigenous strand has also stabilized an L2 system that is a synthesis of substrate effects, interlanguage processes and features adopted from the settlers' koiné English. Neologisms stabilize as English is made to adapt to local sociopolitical and cultural practices.[11] Phase 4 - Endonormative stabilization: This stage is characterized by the gradual acceptance of local norms, supported by a new locally rooted linguistic self-confidence. By this time political events have made it clear that the settler and indigenous strands are inextricably bound in a sense of nationhood independent of Britain. Acceptance of local English(es) expresses this new identity. National dictionaries are enthusiastically supported, at least for new lexis (and not always for localized grammar). Literary creativity in local English begins to flourish.[12] Phase 5 - Differentiation: At this stage there is a change in the dynamics of identity as the young nation sees itself as less defined by its differences from the former colonial power as a composite of subgroups defined on regional, social and ethnic lines. Coupled with the simple effects of time in effecting language change (with the aid of social differentiation) the new English koiné starts to show greater differentiation.[12] Other Models of ClassificationStrevens's World Map of EnglishThe oldest map of the spread of English is Strevens's world map of English. His world map, even predating that of Kachru's three circles, showed that since American English became a separate variety from British English, all subsequent Englishes have had affinities with either one or the other.[13] McArthur's Circle of World EnglishMcArthur's 'wheel model' has an idealized central variety called 'World Standard English', which is best represented by 'written international English'. The next circle is made of regional standards or standards that are emerging. Finally, the outer layer consists of localized varieties which may have similarities with the regional standards or emerging standards. Although the model is neat, it raises several problems. Firstly, the three different types of English - ENL, ESL and EFL, are conflated in the second circle. Secondly, the multitude of Englishes in Europe are also missing in this layer. Finally, the outside layer includes pidgins, creoles and L2 Englishes. Most scholars would argue that English pidgins and creoles do not belong to one family: rather they have overlapping multiple memberships.[14] Görlach's Circle model of EnglishManfred Görlach's and McArthur's models are reasonably similar. Both exclude English varieties in Europe. As Görlach does not include EFLs at all, his model is more consistent, though less comprehensive. Outside the circle are mixed varieties (pidgins, creoles and mixed languages involving English), which are better categorized as having partial membership.[15] Modiano's model of EnglishIn Modiano's model of English, the center consists of users of English as an International Language, with a core set of features which are comprehensible to the majority of native and competent non-native speakers of English. The second circle consists of features which may become internationally common or may fall into obscurity. Finally, the outer area consists of five groups (American English, British English, other major varieties, local varieties, foreign varieties) each with features peculiar to their own speech community and which are unlikely to be understood by most members of the other four groups.[16] Variations and VarietiesMain article: List of dialects of the English language The World Englishes paradigm is not static, and neither are rapidly changing realities of language use worldwide. The use of English in the Outer and Expanding Circle societies (refer to Kachru's Three Circles of English) continues its rapid spread, while at the same time new patterns of language contact and variety differentiation emerge. The different varieties range from English in the Inner circle societies such as the USA, Canada, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand, to the Outer circle post-colonial societies of Asia and Africa. The World Englishes initiative, in recognizing and describing the New Englishes of the Caribbean, Africa and Asia, has been partly motivated by a consideration of the local linguistic factors and partly by a consideration of the wider cultural and political contexts of language acquisition and use. This, in turn, has involved the creative rewriting of discourses towards a recognition of pluralism and multiple possibilities for scholarship. The notion of varieties in this context is similarly dynamic, as new contexts, new realities, new discourses, and new varieties continue to emerge.[17] The terms language and dialect are not easily defined concepts. It is often suggested that languages are autonomous, while dialects are heteronomous. It is also said that dialects, in contrast with languages, are mutually intelligible, though this is not always the case. Dialects are characteristically spoken, do not have a codified form and are used only in certain domains.[18] In order to avoid the difficult dialect-language distinction, linguists tend to prefer a more neutral term, variety, which covers both concepts and is not clouded by popular usage. This term is generally used when discussing World Englishes. The Future of World EnglishesTwo scenarios have been advanced about English's future status as the major world language: it will ultimately fragment into a large number of mutually unintelligible varieties (in effect, languages), or it will converge so that differences across groups of speakers are largely eliminated.[5] English as the language of 'others'If English is, numerically speaking, the language of 'others', then the centre of gravity of the language is almost certain to shift in the direction of the 'others'. In the words of Widdowson, there is likely to be a paradigm shift from one of language distribution to one of language spread:[19]
In this new paradigm, English spreads and adapts according to the linguistic and cultural preferences of its users in the Outer and Expanding circles (refer to Kachru's Three Circles of English). However, if English is genuinely to become the language of 'others', then the 'others' have to be accorded – or perhaps more likely, accord themselves – at least the same English language rights as those claimed by mother-tongue speakers.[5] However, it remains to be seen whether such a paradigm shift will take place. The languages of 'others' as World LanguagesThe other potential shift in the linguistic centre of gravity is that English could lose its international role altogether, or, at best, come to share it with a number of equals. Although this would not happen mainly as a result of native-speaker resistance to the spread of non-native speaker Englishes and the consequent abandoning of English by large numbers of non-native speakers, the latter could undoubtedly play a part.[5] Due to the inherent difficulties of the English language, it would not be surprising if there was eventually a move to abandon English in favour of an international language with fewer complicating linguistic factors along with less of a colonial discourse attached to it. Spanish appears to be a major contender, with its simpler pronunciation, spelling and verb systems, and its increasing influence in both the EU and the United States. Further evidence that English may eventually give way to another language (or languages) as the world's lingua franca is provided by the Internet. According to Crystal,[20]
On the other hand, there are at least 1500 languages present on the internet now and that figure is likely to increase. Nevertheless Crystal predicts that English will remain the dominant presence. References
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